SENCO duties away from the classroom Essay Example

SENCO obligations from the study hall Essay Example SENCO obligations from the study hall Essay SENCO obligations from the study hall Essay During my ESE the class was secured by a gracefully instructor each Friday early daytime permitting the class educator time to divert out her SENCO obligations from the homeroom. I saw that each time the kids were educated by the gracefully educator they acted incredibly severely and accomplished next to no work. Indeed, even kids that were ordinarily tranquil in class considered this to be as a chance to get uproarious. The instructing style of the substitution instructor contrasted significantly from the class educator. The flexibly instructor was delicately spoken, delicate when giving guidelines, and didn't do discipline dangers; for instance removing time from the children’s play time for terrible conduct. I noticed that in spite of the fact that the standard class educator may be seen by some as exacting and authorative, this was in actuality what the youngsters ached for and they didn't function too when this structure was expelled. Pollard and Tann (1993) watched, when gotten some information about their ‘best’ instructors, a dominant part of junior age understudies picked decency and consistency as the main characteristics. (p.164) A successful instructor will have various techniques for controlling the children’s conduct, anyway for these to work it is significant for the educator to know every kid exclusively. A few youngsters react well to hand signs, or outward appearances. Some won't comprehend these nuances and will require verbal updates. By seeing every kid, a viable educator will control conduct all the more successfully. I saw a case of this during my time in school. The instructor solicited 5 from the most problematic youngsters to draw an image on a little card of something that spoke to great conduct to them. She at that point covered the cards and the 5 held them at cover time and had them on the table during work meetings. At the point when the conduct of any of these youngsters got unsatisfactory, the class educator would state; ‘look at your card’. For two of the youngsters this basic thought worked amazingly well and their conduct improved significantly. The other three collapsed, bit and lost their cards and were not inspired by what the importance was. A few techniques that work for visual students may not be as effective with kinaesthetic ones. A decent instructor will comprehend the distinctions. It is critical that the educator utilizes all information they have about a kid successfully and to the child’s advantage. A viable instructor will know about the child’s social and strict foundation and will give specific consideration to a particular needs. This is additionally the situation for youngsters with extraordinary instructive needs. By being intrigued and educated, the viable instructor will effectively deal with the class to it’s most extreme learning potential. In my ongoing ESE I encountered such a case; Wiktoria is a Polish young lady who had next to no communicating in English and normally battled with class work. I saw that she was not marked as ‘low ability’ basically in light of the fact that she didn't comprehend the language. She was given help from the TA and oftencame up with right answers before the english talking kids. She was very capable and simply required additional help as she leant the language. In certain schools she may have been consequently positioned at the lower end of the abilty run; anyway this was not what was required and the class instructor had understood this and acted likewise. Obviously it is justifiable that in a class of thirty kids, issues, for example, these will every so often be missed. Be that as it may, assuming left, youngsters, for example, Wiktoria could get baffled at their inabilty to comprehend and follow different kids, bringing about social issues. The class instructor educated me that Wikoria had been moved from another neighborhood school where she had been considered ‘a problem’. During my multi week placemnent, I saw no indication of any social issues with Wiktoria, chiefly on the grounds that she was dealt with very adequately by the class instructor. It is significant that youngsters are seen as people with various necessities and not left unmotivated as this can bring about terrible conduct. A viable educator will support conversation and commitment and restriction the youngsters from ridiculing or chuckling at wrong answers. A compelling study hall is one where students learn, and all staff help them to do as such without investing a lot of their energy overseeing issue or troublesome conduct. The Elton Report on Behavior Management, comissioned in 1989 states; Everyone associated with the arranging, conveyance and assessment of the educational program ought to perceive that the nature of instructing and learning significantly affects understudies conduct. A viable educator is unified with an assortment of showing abilities and an adaptability to actualize them at whatever point they are required. By making a positive and stableclassroom condition with rules and limits, the youngsters will have the option to communicate and work to the best of their abilty. It is basic that kids feel regarded and included and a decent educator will understand the significance of high confidence among his/her class. I have examined a wide scope of abilities that I grope make a successful educator, three of which I have talked about during this exposition. I am mindful that so as to build up my quality in these regions I should rehearse and apply the abilities inside a school situation and I am anticipating doing this later in the year. The fruitful mix of individual properties and commonsense information that join to make an effective educator is a blend that I would like to accomplish through difficult work and sharp perception.

The peoples community Essay Example

The people groups network Essay The volksgemeinschaft was the Nazi faith in a Peoples people group comprising of genuinely and intellectually fit German Aryans. An Aryan was somebody who fitted Hitlers convictions of being unadulterated blooded Germans, with light hair and blue eyes. Hitler had the blood and soil belief system. They accepted that the individual Germans werent significant, everything was totally supportive of the state. They had to all arrange and reconstruct Germany to how it was before the First World War, a blasting economy.The first gathering of individuals Hitler focused on were the Youth. Hitler focused on the adolescent, as he accepted they were the future as they were the ones who might battle in the war and they could be handily impacted with the promulgation. Hitler utilized young men and young ladies of any age as they would be dutiful and as they were youthful they were truly fit. Hitler looked on young men and young ladies independently, the young men would battle, while the young ladie s were at home bearing youngsters. A portion of the primary Nazi impacts on the young were the NSF, Media, Schools and the Hitler Youth.The Nazis made it necessary that all kids joined the Hitler Youth after 1936. He composed a wide range of exercises including unique camps, game and military preparing. Be that as it may, numerous youngsters figured out how to stay away from the gatherings particularly after they left school which was then the age of fourteen. In 1932 preceding it got obligatory there were 107,956 individuals, yet after 1936 when it got necessary there were more than 6 million individuals. Added to this, some adversary bunches were additionally set up to neutralize the impact of the Hitler Youth. The principle bunches were the Edelweiss Pirates and Swing. The Edelweiss Pirates were young men matured 14-17 and wore a specific uniform. A considerable lot of the individuals were the common laborers attempting to get away from the nosy Nazi framework. They did exercises like end of the week camps, climbs and they sung tunes about sex and food which the Nazis didnt like. A portion of the gatherings were exceptionally politicized and had joins with the KPD. By 1939, they had more than 2 thousand individuals. Swing was for the most part the upper and working class young people who had the option to go to night-clubs. They dismissed Hitler Youth beliefs and they were commonly hostile to legislative issues. Nazis attempted to battle it by shutting bars and making captures however they were unsuccessful.The other way the Nazis impacted the young was in training. They supplanted the educators with individuals ready to instruct about German youth training and the individuals who were likewise supporters of the Nazis. The entirety of the subjects concentrated altogether on Germany, a portion of the inquiries utilized in like maths concentrated on disposing of the nuisances. The development of an insane person refuge costs 6 million RDM. What number of hous es at 15,000 RDM each could be worked for that sum? All that they instructed was affirmed by and by Hitler and recounted how the Nazi party would make Germany was extraordinary again.Overall, they were politically modified to comply with the Nazis and the Hitler Youth created excitement. Be that as it may, in the provincial zones, there was a sharp decrease in cooperation in the Hitler Youth as it was viewed as troublesome and they were progressively disturbed by the absence of opportunity and the careless boring. Investment had expanded with the Hitler Youth because of it getting mandatory, however support in the elective youth developments was likewise expanding. Numerous individuals didnt need to really be a piece of the Hitler Youth which is the reason they became individuals from the elective youth developments. Be that as it may, being a piece of the Hitler youth was accomplishing the Nazis thought of the Volksgemeinschaft, as they were being prepared to accept very similar th ings and need to battle to win back their independence.Hitler next focused the ladies as to have numerous truly and intellectually fit German Aryans the ladies needed to bring forth them in any case. The Nazi accepted that the womens job was at home, thinking about their spouses who must be Aryans. Their job was to deliver numerous kids to prop Germany up. The Nazis attempted to execute their thoughts in 1933 creation a Law for the Reduction of Unemployment, this was to lessen joblessness for ladies with the presentation of strategies. Marriage advances were conceded to ladies who surrendered their occupations in return, they were no longer permitted to work in the common assistance and if the ladies was in a marriage that wasnt creating kids separate was made significantly simpler. The Nazis additionally concluded that all single or wedded ladies up to 35 must have in any event 4 kids. Some purposeful publicity that the Nazis utilized were banners of moms breastfeeding their kid wi th an inscription saying Germany develops through solid moms and sound children.Overall, the Nazis bombed in this viewpoint as the quantity of ladies in occupations expanded because of the financial recuperation such a large number of ladies returned to work for a superior pay. In 1933, 34.4% of ladies worked, however by 1939 this had ascended to 36.7%. The encounters of the ladies changed drastically as per the womans race and politics.As well as those that fitted into the Volksgemeinschaft, Hitler additionally needed to manage individuals that didnt fit into the Volksgemeinschaft. They were individuals who didnt fit into the Aryan lifestyle they were known as the Gemeinschaftsunfà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½hig.The intellectually not well was anyone who experienced schizophrenia to innate epilepsy to genuine physical distortions to drunkards. They were viewed as weights on the network. The Nazis accepted that sanitization was the key and it was made obligatory. In 1939, they concluded that willful extermination was the appropriate response. They were slaughtered by starvation, a deadly infusion or by gassing.The Asocials who were anyone who didnt fit into the Volksgemeinschaft. In 1938, they were classed as drifters, tramps, poor people, whores and so forth. The Nazis didnt like the way that they were reluctant to work, it was viewed as an offense to the network. Some were given work, other were put in death camps and made to wear a dark triangle.The Nazis victimized the gay people as they felt that their conduct profoundly irritated the disapproved of Nazis. They didnt like them because of the way that they couldnt have kids. They were sent to death camps and made to wear pink triangles. Some were mutilated and utilized in clinical experiments.Hitler likewise focused on the Religious factions. Hitler was genuinely wary when managing the principle Christian chapels yet when it went to the minority factions who were individuals like Jehovahs Witnesses he acted wildly against them. They were detested as they would not join the military and swear loyalty to Germany. Different orders like Christian Scientists and Seventh Day Adventists endured comparative destinies. Hitler focused on these individuals since they additionally had their own arrangement of qualities and rules with numerous individuals tuned in to. Hitler felt that on the off chance that he permitted the houses of worship to have total free rule, at that point not the same number of individuals would change over to the Nazi method of life.The last gathering that Hitler focused on was the Gypsies. From the start the Nazis demonstrated them no antagonistic vibe, however with their unmistakable appearance and their way of life they turned into an object of doubt in numerous nations. In 1939, they were sent to inhumane imprisonments and afterward ousted to Auschwitz in Poland where an exceptional tramp camp had been worked for them.The last gathering that Hitler victimized were the Jews. The Nurem berg Laws of 1935 made it illicit for Jews and non-Jews to wed. There was threatening vibe against the Jews on the grounds that the Nazis trusted it was their obligation regarding the murdering of Christ. The Nazis were one of a few gatherings who empowered Anti-Semitism. In 1938 the Pogroms of Kristallnacht happened. This is the place there was represented radicalisation of the system, the Nazis were allowed to seek after their point of driving the Jews out of the German life. All through 1939, migration was utilized to expel the Jewish nearness from Germany.Overall, around 40,000 individuals were kept from having youngsters and they were additionally made any individual who fitted into the asocials bunch werent qualified for government assistance benefits. Hitler wished to get ride of these gatherings as they didnt fit into the Volksgemeinschaft, as they werent unadulterated like Hitler wanted his general public to be. Hitler was effective in decimating a considerable lot of the d ivisions, yet he wasnt ready to satisfy his fantasy of a brought together nation.Hitler then needed to accomplish something with the congregation. The congregation is perhaps the main gathering who could sabotage the Nazi party, the same number of individuals have confidence in what the places of worship say, so on the off chance that Hitler was to totally subvert the congregation, at that point the congregation could advise their whole assembly not to think whatever Hitler says and they would trust them. They didnt need anyone to negate their perspective on a Volksgemeinschaft and its standards. The congregation had its own perspectives and sentiments which numerous individuals tuned in to, and put together their existence with respect to. Hitler didnt need this.There was a significant distinction between the congregation and the Nazis. The congregation supported love and co-activity while the Nazis upheld despise and battle. Hitler wished to supplant the Christian confidence with a confident Aryan confidence yet he realized the Church was a potential snag to the reordering of the German individuals. acknowledged he couldnt set out quickly on actualizing his full vision along these lines, for strategic reasons Hitler said he required the congregation for positive Christianity, what Hitler would do was to increase some control and backing from the Church progressive systems and afterward he would steadily decrease their influence.Hitler consented to an arrangement with the Catholic Church, it expressed that Hitler would disregard the Catholics as long as the Pope kept out of German politics.Within the Protestant Church, Hitler gave his help to the German Christians who accepted that ministers should make a vow of devotion to Hitler and that any individual from the congregation with Jewish family line ought to be sacked.In the Pagan development, Hitler set up the German confidence development as an option in contrast to Christianity. The insignia supplanted the cross, the good book was supplanted by Mein Kampf which was put on the change

Beauty Tips on a Dime for Girls

Beauty Tips on a Dime for Girls Beauty Tips on a Dime for Girls Home›Tips for Students›Beauty Tips on a Dime for Girls Tips for StudentsTaking care of herself is the obligation of every woman in any age, but it does not necessarily mean that it has to cost a fortune. QualityCustomEssays.com is aware of budget friendly beauty tips and is going to reveal them for you:Skip salon shampoo treatment. When you go to salon to have your hair cut, never opt for shampoo treatment. The thing is that you will have to pay for this service plus to tip the shampoo girl. Instead you can wash your hair before going to salon and in such a way you will save up to $20. One more way to save money is to avoid washing your hair every day at home. Your hair and your wallet will only benefit from it.Extend The Life Of Your Lipstick. Is your lipstick worn down to a stub? It is not high time to throw it away! Lipstick brush will allow you to utilize the last bits of your lipstick from the container. Moreover, lipstick brushes allow more even application of your lipstick and it is advisable to use them all the time. It may sound strange, but what is bad about making your expensive lipstick last longer?Use DIY beauty treatments. Actually, all expensive beauty treatments contain ingredients from your kitchen. For example, raw sugar with olive oil is cheap, but very effective scrub. Yogurt is a moisturizer. It can be mixed with different ingredients to prepare facial masks at little cost.Buy things at a drug store. Beauty treatment products sold at department stores are usually more expensive than those you can buy at drug stores. They actually do not differ in quality. Moreover, drugstore products are safer and their prices will not break the bank.Being beautiful is not that easy. Except money, you have to possess special skills, patience and time. We are able to help you with the latter: trust the writing of your academic papers to our professional writers and free your time and mind for taking care of yourself.

Male Gaze As A Tool Of The Cult Of Womanhood - 1420 Words

Praise for Toomer’s depictions of black sexuality are well-deserved because they are bold and daring in a way that was uncommon prior to the modern era. Traditional literary depictions of women were limited to those that conformed to the values of the cult of womanhood. What Toomer’s women in Cane accomplish is quite the opposite. He employs the male gaze as a tool of humanization, often in critique of the violence executed against the black female body which has been justified for so long by the gaze itself. Toomer works to situate womanhood in reality as opposed to Victorian notions of purity, chastity, and domesticity. He does this by placing black and white womanhood adjacent to each other and offering sexuality and promiscuity as part†¦show more content†¦This is indicative of Karintha’s prostitution practice. The focus on Karintha’s money rather than the actual practice of prostitution seeks to ease the burden of the stigma on sex work. Thou gh it’s vague, the evidence of Karintha’s practice is there and it’s presented as an essential function of her existence. â€Å"Karintha is a woman, and she has a child† (4). Not only her existence, but her child necessitates an income and Karintha uses her sexuality as a mode of survival. Two poems that perfectly display the placement of white and black female bodies against each other are â€Å"Face† and â€Å"Portrait in Georgia.† The two are far away from each other in the text but the parallels are undeniable. Both poems begin with â€Å"Hair—, â€Å"and go on to describe a woman. The white woman in â€Å"Portrait in Georgia† is textually linked to lynching. The portrait, if you will, is painted in images of lynching and violence against black bodies. Here, the white woman works as a symbol of essential whiteness that is meant to be protected. During the early 20th century, it was common for black men to be lynched because they were looking at or talking to white women. Toomer is drawing on the necessity of the white woman to further the white man’s motivation to eliminate black men. On the other side of the spectrum, â€Å"Face† features a woman of color. Her features are drawn with images of nature, suggesting the poss ibility of new life, even in her graying old age. The language of the poem isShow MoreRelatedSexuality in the Victorian Era in Sarah Raul ´s In the Next Room 1558 Words   |  7 Pagestoday are not the women of yesterday. Women have undergone a theatrical transformation which makes them bold, independent, and free-spirited beings. A voice that was once suppressed no longer can be tamed; this is illustrated through the rise of both male and female playwrights who continue to reinvent the role of women as more than â€Å"man’s other†. In her book, â€Å"Modern Drama by Women, 1880s-1930s: An International Anthology,† author Katherine Kelly references a quote by scholar Carrie Chapman Catt, that

Blink Book Review Essay - 1969 Words

Blink is a book that analyzes the way people make decisions. According to the author, Malcolm Gladwell, people use one of two strategies to come to a decision. The first strategy is a conscious one. When using this strategy, people think about what they have learned and develop an answer. The second is an unconscious strategy in which a persons brain reaches a conclusion in a matter of seconds, often times without awareness. These conclusions are what we generally refer to as hunches or instincts and, it is the development and reliability of these types of conclusions that Gladwell focuses on in this book. In doing so, Gladwell sets out to accomplish three tasks. The first is to prove that decisions made very quickly can be as†¦show more content†¦Now, most members of a board of directors would never admit to having a bias toward tall males. However, this research states otherwise. Most rational people would agree that short people and tall people are equally capabl e of making sound business decisions. However, if this is the case, why is this population of CEOs dominated by a minority of American males? It is Gladwells argument that these types of biases live in the human unconscious and people act on them without even realizing it. From our readings in the text, we have learned that a stereotype is the belief that all members of specific groups share similar traits and behaviors. Gladwells research suggests that, whether knowingly or unknowingly, people who hire for positions of leadership consider height to be a trait of successful people. If managers are to put Gladwells theories into practice, they must abandon a certain degree of top-down decision making. In our textbook, Greenberg defines top-down decision-making as an approach that puts the power to make decisions in the hands of managers, leaving lower level workers with little or no opportunity to make decisions. Gladwell also recognizes that in order for people to make effective split-second decisions, they must be given the right set of inputs. In other words, employees must be properly trained before they can trust their instinctive decision making ability. However, once employees have been givenShow MoreRelatedBlink - Book Review1614 Words   |  7 PagesLabour Relations Institute Managing Human Behaviour Assignment Blink by Malcolm Gladwell A book review by Narendran Santhanam (G10031) Contents Introduction 3 A brief summary 3 Evaluation 5 Conclusion 5 Introduction â€Å"Blink† by Malcolm Gladwell is a book about how we think without thinking, about choices that seem to be made in an instant – in the blink of an eye – that actually aren’t as simple as they seem. 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It looks like a large city way ahead of the technology we have in Quincy. A low grey haze surrounds the city. Lifeforms of every color and shape are everywhere, flying in the sky, hovering on hoverboards, on the metallic strip where a open train faster than a bullet train zooms by. In the middle of the city, the largest building stands. It has a very classical feel to it with large domes and gold edged windows. It has a hypnotizing feeling to it. I startRead MoreThe Good Old Days are Blurred Essay example609 Words   |  3 Pagesanything we desire at the click of a button. At a blink of an eye we are then instantaneously connected to thousands of pictures, articles, videos, books, etc. about our subject of choice such as sports. Furthermore, we not only have the ability to learn from educational documents; but from each other as well. 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Foundation and Empire 21. Interlude In Space Free Essays

string(177) " you remember the news item that the Mule’s clown was not found on Terminus; that it was suspected he had fled to Haven, or been carried there by his original kidnappers\." The blockade was run successfully. In the vast volume of space, not all the navies ever in existence could keep their watch in tight proximity. Given a single ship, a skillful pilot, and a moderate degree of luck, and there are holes and to spare. We will write a custom essay sample on Foundation and Empire 21. Interlude In Space or any similar topic only for you Order Now With cold-eyed calm, Toran drove a protesting vessel from the vicinity of one star to that of another. If the neighborhood of great mass made an interstellar jump erratic and difficult, it also made the enemy detection devices useless or nearly so. And once the girdle of ships had been passed the inner sphere of dead space, through whose blockaded sub-ether no message could be driven, was passed as well. For the first time in over three months Toran felt unisolated. A week passed before the enemy news programs dealt with anything more than the dull, self-laudatory details of growing control over the Foundation. It was a week in which Toran’s armored trading ship fled inward from the Periphery in hasty jumps. Ebling Mis called out to the pilot room and Toran rose blink-eyed from his charts. â€Å"What’s the matter?† Toran stepped down into the small central chamber which Bayta had inevitably devised into a living room. Mis shook his head, â€Å"Bescuppered if I know. The Mule’s newsmen are announcing a special bulletin. Thought you might want to get in on it.† â€Å"Might as well. Where’s Bayta?† â€Å"Setting the table in the diner and picking out a menuor some such frippery.† Toran sat down upon the cot that served as Magnifico’s bed, and waited. The propaganda routine of the Mule’s â€Å"special bulletins† were monotonously similar. First the martial music, and then the buttery slickness of the announcer. The minor news items would come, following one another in patient lock step. Then the pause. Then the trumpets and the rising excitement and the climax. Toran endured it. Mis muttered to himself. The newscaster spilled out, in conventional war-correspondent phraseology, the unctuous words that translated into sound the molten metal and blasted flesh of a battle in space. â€Å"Rapid cruiser squadrons under Lieutenant General Sammin hit back hard today at the task force striking out from Iss-† The carefully expressionless face of the speaker upon the screen faded into the blackness of a space cut through by the quick swaths of ships reeling across emptiness in deadly battle. The voice continued through the soundless thunder â€Å"The most striking action of the battle was the subsidiary combat of the heavy cruiser Cluster against three enemy ships of the ‘Nova’ class-â€Å" The screen’s view veered and closed in. A great ship sparked and one of the frantic attackers glowed angrily, twisted out of focus, swung back and rammed. The Cluster bowed wildly and survived the glancing blow that drove the attacker off in twisting reflection. The newsman’s smooth unimpassioned delivery continued to the last blow and the last hulk. Then a pause, and a large similar voice-and-picture of the fight off Mnemon, to which the novelty was added of a lengthy description of a hit-and-run landing – the picture of a blasted city – huddled and weary prisoners – and off again. Mnemon had not long to live. The pause again – and this time the raucous sound of the expected brasses. The screen faded into the long, impressively soldier-lined corridor up which the government spokesman in councilor’s uniform strode quickly. The silence was oppressive. The voice that came at last was solemn, slow and hard: â€Å"By order of our sovereign, it is announced that the planet, Haven, hitherto in warlike opposition to his will, has submitted to the acceptance of defeat. At this moment, the forces of our sovereign are occupying the planet. Opposition was scattered, unco-ordinated, and speedily crushed.† The scene faded out, the original newsman returned to state importantly that other developments would be transmitted as they occurred. Then there was dance music, and Ebling Mis threw the shield that cut the power. Toran rose and walked unsteadily away, without a word. The psychologist made no move to stop him. When Bayta stepped out of the kitchen, Mis motioned silence. He said, â€Å"They’ve taken Haven.† And Bayta said, â€Å"Already?† Her eyes were round, and sick with disbelief. â€Å"Without a fight. Without an unprin-† He stopped and swallowed. â€Å"You’d better leave Toran alone. It’s not pleasant for him. Suppose we eat without him this once.† Bayta looked once toward the pilot room, then turned hopelessly. â€Å"Very well!† Magnifico sat unnoticed at the table. He neither spoke nor ate but stared ahead with a concentrated fear that seemed to drain all the vitality out of his thread of a body. Ebling Mis pushed absently at his iced-fruit dessert and said, harshly, â€Å"Two Trading worlds fight. They fight, and bleed, and die and don’t surrender. Only at Haven – Just as at the Foundation-â€Å" â€Å"But why? Why?† The psychologist shook his head. â€Å"It’s of a piece with all the problem. Every queer facet is a hint at the nature of the Mule. First, the problem of how he could conquer the Foundation, with little blood, and at a single blow essentially – while the Independent Trading Worlds held out. The blanket on nuclear reactions was a puny weapon – we’ve discussed that back and forth till I’m sick of it – and it did not work on any but the Foundation. â€Å"Randu suggested,† and Ebling’s grizzly eyebrows pulled together, â€Å"it might have been a radiant Will-Depresser. It’s what might have done the work on Haven. But then why wasn’t it used on Mnemon and Iss – which even now fight with such demonic intensity that it is taking half the Foundation fleet in addition to the Mule’s forces to beat them down. Yes, I recognized Foundation ships in the attack.† Bayta whispered, â€Å"The Foundation, then Haven. Disaster seems to follow us, without touching. We always seem to get out by a hair. Will it last forever?† Ebling Mis was not listening. To himself, he was making a point. â€Å"But there’s another problem – another problem. Bayta, you remember the news item that the Mule’s clown was not found on Terminus; that it was suspected he had fled to Haven, or been carried there by his original kidnappers. You read "Foundation and Empire 21. Interlude In Space" in category "Essay examples" There is an importance attached to him, Bayta, that doesn’t fade, and we have not located it yet. Magnifico must know something that is fatal to the Mule. I’m sure of it. â€Å" Magnifico, white and stuttering, protested, â€Å"Sire†¦ noble lord†¦ indeed, I swear it is past my poor reckoning to penetrate your wants. I have told what I know to the utter limits, and with your probe, you have drawn out of my meager wit that which I knew, but knew not that I knew.† â€Å"I know†¦ I know. It is something small. A hint so small that neither you nor I recognize it for what it is. Yet I must find it – for Mnemon and Iss will go soon, and when they do, we are the last remnants, the last droplets of the independent Foundation.† The stars begin to cluster closely when the core of the Galaxy is penetrated. Gravitational fields begin to overlap at intensities sufficient to introduce perturbations in an interstellar jump that can not be overlooked. Toran became aware of that when a jump landed their ship in the full glare of a red giant which clutched viciously, and whose grip was loosed, then wrenched apart, only after twelve sleepless, soul-battering hours. With charts limited in scope, and an experience not at all fully developed, either operationally or mathematically, Toran resigned himself to days of careful plotting between jumps. It became a community project of a sort. Ebling Mis checked Toran’s mathematics and Bayta tested possible routes, by the various generalized methods, for the presence of real solutions. Even Magnifico was put to work on the calculating machine for routine computations, a type of work, which, once explained, was a source of great amusement to him and at which he was surprisingly proficient. So at the end of a month, or nearly, Bayta was able to survey the red line that wormed its way through the ship’s trimensional model of the Galactic Lens halfway to its center, and say with Satiric relish, â€Å"You know what it looks like. It looks like a ten-foot earth-worm with a terrific case of indigestion. Eventually, you’ll land us back in Haven.† â€Å"I will,† growled Toran, with a fierce rustle of his chart, â€Å"if you don’t shut up.† â€Å"And at that,† continued Bayta, â€Å"there is probably a route fight through, straight as a meridian of longitude.† â€Å"Yeah? Well, in the first place, dimwit, it probably took five hundred ships five hundred years to work out that route by hit-and-miss, and my lousy half-credit charts don’t give it. Besides, maybe those straight routes are a good thing to avoid. They’re probably choked up with ships. And besides-â€Å" â€Å"Oh, for Galaxy’s sake, stop driveling and slavering so much righteous indignation.† Her hands were in his hair. He yowled, â€Å"Ouch! Let go!† seized her wrists and whipped downward, whereupon Toran, Bayta, and chair formed a tangled threesome on the floor. It degenerated into a panting wrestling match, composed mostly of choking laughter and various foul blows. Toran broke loose at Magnifico’s breathless entrance. â€Å"What is it?† The lines of anxiety puckered the clown’s face and tightened the skin whitely over the enormous bridge of his nose. â€Å"The instruments are behaving queerly, sir. I have not, in the knowledge of my ignorance, touched anything-â€Å" In two seconds, Toran was in the pilot room. He said quietly to Magnifico, â€Å"Wake up Ebling Mis. Have him come down here.† He said to Bayta, who was trying to get a basic order back to her hair by use of her fingers, â€Å"We’ve been detected, Bay.† â€Å"Detected?† And Bayta’s arms dropped. â€Å"By whom?† â€Å"Galaxy knows,† muttered Toran, â€Å"but I imagine by someone with blasters already ranged and trained.† He sat down and in a low voice was already sending into the sub-ether the ship’s identification code. And when Ebling Mis entered, bathrobed and blear-eyed, Toran said with a desperate calm, â€Å"It seems we’re inside the borders of a local Inner Kingdom which is called the Autarchy of Filia.† â€Å"Never heard of it,† said Mis, abruptly. â€Å"Well, neither did I,† replied Toran, â€Å"but we’re being stopped by a Filian ship just the same, and I don’t know what it will involve.† The captain-inspector of the Filian ship crowded aboard with six armed men following him. He was short, thin-haired, thin-lipped, and dry-skinned. He coughed a sharp cough as he sat down and threw open the folio under his arm to a blank page. â€Å"Your passports and ship’s clearance, please.† â€Å"We have none,† said Toran. â€Å"None, hey?† he snatched up a microphone suspended from his belt and spoke into it quickly, â€Å"Three men and one woman. Papers not in order.† He made an accompanying notation in the folio. He said, â€Å"Where are you from?† â€Å"Siwenna,† said Toran warily. â€Å"Where is that?† â€Å"Thirty thousand parsecs, eighty degrees west Trantor, forty degrees-â€Å" â€Å"Never mind, never mind!† Toran could see that his inquisitor had written down: â€Å"Point of origin – Periphery.† The Filian continued, â€Å"Where are you going?† Toran said, â€Å"Trantor sector.† â€Å"Purpose?† â€Å"Pleasure trip.† â€Å"Carrying any cargo?† â€Å"No.† â€Å"Hm-m-m. We’ll check on that.† He nodded and two men jumped to activity. Toran made no move to interfere. â€Å"What brings you into Filian territory?† The Filian’s eyes gleamed unamiably. â€Å"We didn’t know we were. I lack a proper chart.† â€Å"You will be required to pay a hundred credits for that lack – and, of course, the usual fees required for tariff duties, et cetera.† He spoke again into the microphone – but listened more than he spoke. Then, to Toran, â€Å"Know anything about nuclear technology?† â€Å"A little,† replied Toran, guardedly. â€Å"Yes?† The Filian closed his folio, and added, â€Å"The men of the Periphery have a knowledgeable reputation that way. Put on a suit and come with me.† Bayta stepped forward, â€Å"What are you going to do with him?† Toran put her aside gently, and asked coldly, â€Å"Where do you want me to come?† â€Å"Our power plant needs minor adjustments. He’ll come with you.† His pointing finger aimed directly at Magnifico, whose brown eyes opened wide in a blubbery dismay. â€Å"What’s he got to do with it?† demanded Toran fiercely. The official looked up coldly. â€Å"I am informed of pirate activities in this vicinity. A description of one of the known thugs tallies roughly. It is a purely routine matter of identification. â€Å" Toran hesitated, but six men and six blasters are eloquent arguments. He reached into the cupboard for the suits. An hour later, he rose upright in the bowels of the Filian ship and raged, â€Å"There’s not a thing wrong with the motors that I can see. The busbars are true, the L-tubes are feeding properly and the reaction analysis checks. Who’s in charge here?† The head engineer said quietly, â€Å"I am.† â€Å"Well, get me out of here-â€Å" He was led to the officers’ level and the small anteroom held only an indifferent ensign. â€Å"Where’s the man who came with me?† â€Å"Please wait,† said the ensign. It was fifteen minutes later that Magnifico was brought in. â€Å"What did they do to you?† asked Toran quickly. â€Å"Nothing. Nothing at all.† Magnifico’s head shook a slow negative. It took two hundred and fifty credits to fulfill the demands of Filia – fifty credits of it for instant release – and they were in free space again. Bayta said with a forced laugh, â€Å"Don’t we rate an escort? Don’t we get the usual figurative boot over the border?† And Toran replied, grimly, â€Å"That was no Filian ship – and we’re not leaving for a while. Come in here.† They gathered about him. He said, whitely, â€Å"That was a Foundation ship, and those were the Mule’s men aboard.† Ebling bent to pick up the cigar he had dropped. He said, â€Å"Here? We’re fifteen thousand parsecs from the Foundation. â€Å" â€Å"And we’re here. What’s to prevent them from making the same trip. Galaxy, Ebling, don’t you think I can tell ships apart? I saw their engines, and that’s enough for me. I tell you it was a Foundation engine in a Foundation ship.† â€Å"And how did they get here?† asked Bayta, logically. â€Å"What are the chances of a random meeting of two given ships in space?† â€Å"What’s that to do with it?† demanded Toran, hotly. â€Å"It would only show we’ve been followed.† â€Å"Followed?† hooted Bayta. â€Å"Through hyperspace?† Ebling Mis interposed wearily, â€Å"That can be done – given a good ship and a great pilot. But the possibility doesn’t impress me.† â€Å"I haven’t been masking my trail,† insisted Toran. â€Å"I’ve been building up take-off speed on the straight. A blind man could have calculated our route.† â€Å"The blazes he could,† cried Bayta. â€Å"With the cockeyed jumps you are making, observing our initial direction didn’t mean a thing. We came out of the jump wrong-end forwards more than once.† â€Å"We’re wasting time,† blazed Toran, with gritted teeth. â€Å"It’s a Foundation ship under the Mule. It’s stopped us. It’s searched us. It’s had Magnifico – alone – with me as hostage to keep the rest of you quiet, in case you suspected. And we’re going to bum it out of space right now.† â€Å"Hold on now,† and Ebling Mis clutched at him. â€Å"Are you going to destroy us for one ship you think is an enemy? Think, man, would those scuppers chase us over an impossible route half through the bestinkered Galaxy, look us over, and then let us go?† â€Å"They’re still interested in where we’re going.† â€Å"Then why stop us and put us on our guard? You can’t have it both ways, you know.† â€Å"I’ll have it my way. Let go of me, Ebling, or I’ll knock you down.† Magnifico leaned forward from his balanced perch on his favorite chair back. His long nostrils flared with excitement. â€Å"I crave your pardon for my interruption, but my poor mind is of a sudden plagued with a queer thought.† Bayta anticipated Toran’s gesture of annoyance, and added her grip to Ebling’s. â€Å"Go ahead and speak, Magnifico. We will all listen faithfully.† Magnifico said, â€Å"In my stay in their ship what addled wits I have were bemazed and bemused by a chattering fear that befell men. Of a truth I have a lack of memory of most that happened. Many men staring at me, and talk I did not understand. But towards the last – as though a beam of sunlight had dashed through a cloud rift – there was a face I knew. A glimpse, the merest glimmer – and yet it glows in my memory ever stronger and brighter.† Toran said, â€Å"Who was it?† â€Å"That captain who was with us so long a time ago, when first you saved me from slavery.† It had obviously been Magnifico’s intention to create a sensation, and the delighted smile that curled broadly in the shadow of his proboscis, attested to his realization of the intention’s success. â€Å"Captain†¦ Han†¦ Pritcher?† demanded Mis, sternly. â€Å"You’re sure of that? Certain sure now?† â€Å"Sir, I swear,† and he laid a bone-thin hand upon his narrow chest. â€Å"I would uphold the truth of it before the Mule and swear it in his teeth, though all his power were behind him to deny it.† Bayta said in pure wonder, â€Å"Then what’s it all about?† The clown faced her eagerly, â€Å"My lady, I have a theory. It came upon me, ready made, as though the Galactic Spirit had gently laid it in my mind.† He actually raised his voice above Toran’s interrupting objection. â€Å"My lady,† he addressed himself exclusively to Bayta, â€Å"if this captain had, like us, escaped with a ship; if he, like us, were on a trip for a purpose of his own devising; if he blundered upon us – he would suspect us of following and waylaying him, as we suspect him of the like. What wonder he played this comedy to enter our ship?† â€Å"Why would he want us in his ship, then?† demanded Toran. â€Å"That doesn’t fit.† â€Å"Why, yes, it does,† clamored the clown, with a flowing inspiration. â€Å"He sent an underling who knew us not, but who described us into his microphone. The listening captain would be struck at my own poor likeness – for, of a truth there are not many in this great Galaxy who bear a resemblance to my scantiness. I was the proof of the identity of the rest of you.† â€Å"And so he leaves us?† â€Å"What do we know of his mission, and the secrecy thereof? lie has spied us out for not an enemy and having it done so, must he needs think it wise to risk his plan by widening the knowledge thereof?† Bayta said slowly, â€Å"Don’t be stubborn, Torie. It does explain things.† â€Å"It could be,† agreed Mis. Toran seemed helpless in the face of united resistance. Something in the clown’s fluent explanations bothered him. Something was wrong. Yet he was bewildered and, in spite of himself, his anger ebbed. â€Å"For a while,† he whispered, â€Å"I thought we might have had one of the Mule’s ships.† And his eyes were dark with the pain of Haven’s loss. The others understood. How to cite Foundation and Empire 21. Interlude In Space, Essay examples

Urban Pattern Essay Example

Urban Pattern Essay Settlements of any size and type can always be formally synthesized by their patterns, so it means pattern identify the settlements. Town houses in gridiron blocks, high-rise office structures, academic campuses, suburban estates, and highway retail sprawl are good examples. Urban form, then, is a result of the bringing together of many elements in a composite totality:the urban pattern. Patterns are the outstanding formal features of urban areas. A pattern can be defined as an elaboration of form that results from a composition of parts. Thus, patterns assume complex characteristics based on their formal elaboration; they also assume some degree of universality, since the total pattern can be represented by a sector. For example, an identifiable area in a city, or village can be best understood through a typical sector showing circulation, buildings, and open spaces; this typical sector ‘represents’ the formal characteristics found throughout the area and thus acquires some ‘universality. ’ Patterns have the potential of carrying powerful formal syntheses or visual codes over a geographic space. Formally, cities have a greater similarity to rugs and carpets than to other design products, with intricate motifs covering thier surfaces and various combinations of patterns complementing one another. Patterns are the physical expression of an underlying, continous formal system. Their visual essence lies in the complexity of a number of interrelated motifs, rather than in the total composition, since patterns are fragments or parts of a continuum and not totalities. We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Patterns can be conceptualized as models of field designs that can be extended over geographic space. They are reflecting the impact of a society on the earth, through the imposition of their cultural artifacts of shelter and movement. Clearly, urban patterns do change from one sector of a city to another, according to location in the city and time of development. The commercial high-rise pattern of down-town merges with the dense residential pattern of town houses-two patterns resulting from different land uses and accessibility at different locations. The tight pattern that originated in preautomobile times contrasts with the open pattern typical of the automobile era-two patterns resulting from two periods of development. In this way, an urban area is truly a tapestry of patterns, each corresponding to specific morphological factors-location, technology, culture, and so on. Furthermore, patterns tend not to reflect the will of a single designer, but rather composite wills-like the inherited wills involved in the traditional design of carpets or the pluralistic wills that have shaped so many human habitats. Indeed, patterns are true community forms. URBAN DUALITIES How is one to gain an initial formal understanding of urban patterns? Quite often, complex forms can first be grasped through the identification of their range of formal outcomes. Let us identify the ‘formal extremes’ that patterns can take, which we shall call dualities because they tend to appear as nominal opposites. Urban patterns, complex community forms that they are, can be conceptually understood through a series of dualities. The world is full of dualities. I have selected three dualities for examination here, not only for their descriptive duality, but because of their operational value for designers :unbuilt space versus built form, continuous events versus discrete events, and repetitive elements versus unique elements. Unbuilt space-built form duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns integrate built structures enclosing space for some use together with unbuilt areas used as open space or circulation. It provides the basic gestalt of urban areas, with figure-and-background images. Spatial concepts and definitions, environmental qualities, microclimate and health conditions, and other aspects of urban life can be thrown into relief by examining this relatively simple duality of unbuilt space versus built form. This dualit is related to the distinction between public and private realms in cities. Although most unbuilt space-open space and circulation-can be considered public, some open space can be private, as in institutional or residential courtyards. Also, enclosed space can be public or enjoy some sort of semipublic status, as in the case of churches, museums, department stores, and even street-covered arcades. Between enclosed buildings and open spaces there are many intermadiate possibilities: buildings lacking one wall, suh as Greek stoas; buildings with a roof supported by free standing columns, such as the arcades of Bologna; a space open to the sky and surrounded by walls, such as a stadium; a plaza with a few vertical elements, suh as San Marco. Continuous-discrete events duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns are made up of two quantitatively different kinds of elements: Some are interconnected and extend virtually over the whole area; others are discrete. This gometric difference is extended to implicit qualitative differences in the two types of events. The first can be characterized as continuous forms-networks-and the second as sets of discrete forms aggregated within or adjacent to the networks-infillings. Communities are structured by continuous networks within which an infill of discrete events takes place. The combination of networks and infillings results in a total pattern. Urban networks are identified primarily with transportation and other city infrastructures, which by nature must be continuous throughout the pattern. Streets, roads, avenues, boulevards, canals, highways, aqueducts, rail lines, and high-tension lines are all continuous networks that structure urban areas in one way or another, and in so doing they have more than just a utilitarian function; they become outstanding visual elements of the urban pattern. Buildings have occasion-ally played the same role, ranging from defensive walls in the Middle Ages to the megastructures of the 1960s. But in most cases, buildings, from cathedrals to houses, garages to skyscrapers, as well as most open space, are all infillings within the network structure, defining the three-dimensional architectural quality of a place. The interface areas between networks and infillings costitute the most alive zones of the man-made environment. Human beings are not truly participants in community life until they are on foot; the interface between transportation and networks infillings is the place where people shift from being passive riders to being active pedestrians. For this reason, the design of these interfaces-subway stations, but stops, train terminals, garages, sidewalks, and docks-is critical for the vitality of social and economic life in urban areas, as well as for their aesthetic expression. The dictinction between continuous and discrete events is not absolute, however. Size and scale may affect this distinction since what appears to be discrete on a metropolitan scale may seem continuous on a neighborhood scale. For example, rows of party-wall town houses, which are discrete elements on urban scale, can be seen as continuous events on an neighborhood scale. Repetetive-unique events duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns are made up largely of a limited number of relatively undifferentiated types of elements that repeat and combine. It implies that the image of a city can be created by the visual repetition of undifferentiated elements as well as by unique elements. Notre Dame de Paris is a powerful image and symbol for that city, but the repetetive elements of the city`s urban pattern-apartment buildings, hotels, and offices-represent it as much as does its unique cathedral. Repetetive elemets are the true urban form givers, sheltering the community`s activities and expressing its way of life and culture. Unique elements are the expresion of either a very specialized activity or, more likely, the apex and more symbolic layers of the community hierarchy. Human habitats and workplaces are repetetive elements, but temples, palaces, town halls, parliaments, universities, opera houses, and museums are unique and higly visible in each community. In preindustrial traditional societies, repetetive buildings such as dwellings vary according to regions, whereas unique buildings are universal. Repetetive buildings, although roughly the same within an urban area, tend to change drastically among regions and cultures; unique buildings, although special in their urban area, tend to repeat themselves across regions and even cultures. The wide regional variety of human dwelling types found in the cities, towns, and villages of Europe stands in contrast to the minor stylistic variations of similar unique buildings-for example, Gothic churches-that exist across the continient. The attachment of repetetive elements to land and local culture, which become regional expressions, as well as the universal character of unique elements, are critical to the understanding of community forms. Probably no other duality has been so misunderstood. To consider an obvious example, skyscrapers built in downtown areas for the purpose of housing the managerial activities of corporations often indulge the egocentric corporate identity. A corporate workplace is a repetetive building type making up the majority of downtown urban patterns; it is not meant to be unique. Whenever the design of skyscrapers becomes a competition among corporations, the result is pointless escalation, confusion, and the breakdown of the urban pattern. Combination of dualities Dualities represent ranges of formal outcomes in urban patterns, taken one parameter at a time. In reality, patterns synthesize the various dualities in a single form. The following are possible combinations and examples: Unbuilt space, continuos, repetetiveUrban streets Unbuilt space, continuous, uniqueIstiklal streetts Unbuilt space, discrete, repetetiveNeighborhood plazas Unbuilt space, discrete, uniquePiazza Ortakoy Built form, continuous, repetetiveArcades Built form, continuous, uniqueDefense walls Built form, discrete, repetetiveOffice buildings Built form, discrete, uniqueBlue Mosque PATTERN ANALYSIS Urban design has a long tradition of borrowing from the past, one of that continues today as neotraditional designers look nostalgically back to the towns as an alternative to conventional development. Breaking down the analysis into layers facilitates comparison on each dimension. The five layers are: 1-Built form: Showing the footprints of all structures and the resulting grain and pattern of development. 2-Land use: Patterns showing the location and density of housing, as well as retail, office, industrial, and civic activity. 3-Public open space: Including parks, plazas, walkways, and water bodies. 4-Circulation system: Including vehicular roads, alleys, parking lots, and bicycle and pedestrian paths. 5-Pedestrian access: Showing areas with one quarter and one half mile access from a central point in the development, such as a local community or shopping center. In addition to studying the form and pattern of the developments, the analysis examines the character of public streets and public spaces; adequecy of the transportation system and the accesibility of the development to jobs, services, recreation, and schools; livability for children, teens, and elderly; and market success. URBAN TYPOLOGIES Urban patterns are formed by repetetive elements within which unique elements occur. These patterns have strong similarities and can be grouped conceptually into what we call typologies. The many similarities among certain urban structures, facilities, and spaces suggest a ‘family resemblance’ among them. This family resemblance can be found among network elements such as streets and infill elements such as buildings, among unbuilt spaces such as plazas and built forms such as urban blocks, and even among unique buildings and spaces. Some typologies are universal, others are bounded by culture. In other words, all elements in urban patterns can be, to various degrees, typical. Some definitions are in order. ‘Type’ is defined as the general form, structure, or character distinguishing a particular kind, group, or class of objects. ‘Prototype’ and ‘archetype’ are practically interchangeable concepts, indicating the first or primary type of any thing. ‘Stereotype’ is defined as something continued or constantly repeated without change. The definition of ‘type’ is based on the recognition of the essence of an object as well as on the possibility of reproducing that essence in another object. The essence of a typology is made up of a combination of key characteristics of the elements in the typology, as well as by the range of variations that the elements can experience without losing their affiliation with the typology. I am talking deliberatily about essence and not standards, a type witout the of catalogue models. Thus, any and all specific designs of a type must be variations,options, and interpretations of that type, with perhaps a few of them being closer than the others to the ideal. Urban types sre basically types of spatial organizations in settlements. However, additional cultural factors introduce the aspect of style. Gridiron blocks with row houses, central plazas, and roadside developments are ubiquitous patterns, for instance, are typical of baroque urbanism. How do typologies come into being? The concept is simple: Built elements that face the same (or very similar) sets of requirements and constraints will, in end up generating one typology as the best solution to these conditions. It is possible to imagine more than one good solution, but since human behavior tends to follow early successes, the result is often that a single typology emerges as the dominant one. In the development of a typology, several periods can be distinguished. At a given point, socioeconomic, cultural, and technological conditions may all come together to foster a new typology. For example, the Industrial Revolution and the subsequent development of industrial corporations led to the creation of large pools of adminisrative personel working together in central cities served by streetcards and, later, subway systems. The introduction of iron and, eventually, steel structures, as well as the invention of the elevator, made it possible to build tight clusters of high-rise office buildings in central buildings. Later, the development of air- conditioning systems eliminated the constrains on the size of those buildings imposed by the need for natural ventilation. Common determinants that affect a typology include the physical urban structure, municipal services, zoning and codes, technology, financial and tax structures, alternative investments, cultural beliefs, microclimate, and many others. Specific project requirements that affect a typology include the program-which is itself biased by cultural beliefs-the organization of the development entity, land and construction costs, demand markets, soil conditions, competition, and others. Technology, economic systems, social instutions-in a word, culture-are the social factors that, together with natural factors (such as microclimate, soil, and bodies of water), shape the patterns of human settlements. Technology, especially since the nineteenth century, has had an increasingly important effect in the shaping of urban typologies, including the critical areas of urban transportation- public transit, commuter rail, buses, and trolleys, as well as private automobiles along with highways and parking garages-building structures, mechanical systems, vertical circulation, instant communications, and,most recently, information processing. But quite often, built types herald later technological advance; some of the first skyscrapers in Chicago were built with load-bearing masonry walls. Culture is the prime mover in the development of urban typologies. Technology, as one of the cultural components of society. The central city skyscraper, for example, is a product of both technology and a cultural trend that encourages certain patterns of social behavior and, ultimately, certain events. Tall office buildings exist, in part, because there is a pervasive trend toward concentrating greater economic power in fewer corporations, which cluster together with other financial institutions and use their headquarters to project a corporate image. Cultural factors have always affected urban typologies. In the Middle ages, the high cost of transportation, the uncertainty of life beyond defensive walls, growing trade opportunities within a feudalistic system, and the universal institution of the churc led to the generic mediaval urban typology. It was a tightly clustered pattern, with market place and trade streets, often two centers of power (political and religious), and social institutions such as a hospital, asylum, orphanage and school near the church. Culture, building program, and technology shape typologies. Often, old types built for some specific users can be successfully adapted to other users, indicating that programs and types are not locked in a one-to-one relationship; instead, programs determine types through cultural interpretations. The basilica of Hagia Sophia, built by Constantine to be the center of Eastern Orthodox Christianity, was taken by the Turks and immediately converted to the Mosque of Istanbul, after which all other Turkish mosques have been patterned. The basilicas, in turn, were adapted from a Roman type of legal court building by early Christians, who used them as temples. Are these cases of cultural lag or adaptation, of program or type flexibility, or something different? One of the main roles of typologies may be to shape cultural symbols. Both the Byzantines and the Turks needed impressive halls to exhibit the religious glory of their empires: Hagia Sophia, the most unique element in the pattern. One of the trends most damaging to environmental richness is the cultural homogenization of urban typologies in many areas of the world. This phenomenon is well known to travelers, who find that hotels built in recent decades do not reflect regional differences, so that one cannot tell whether one is in Cairo, New York, Singapore, or Mexico, unless one leaves the hotel. Technology, of course, makes possible large climate-controlled shells anywhere, but it is the cultural dependency of many Third World countries that bears a major responsibility for this environmental impoverishment. Typically, human habitas have been rooted in the land and the local culture. Universality was restricted to the apex of the community hierarchy. It is only now that we see repetetive elements such as office buildings being elevated to the status of the universal, betraying their transnational character. As already mentioned, some typologies are local, while others are universal. The wide difference in the residential typologies of human habitats indicates that local conditions impose heavy constraints on people: Microclimate, defense, construction materials, and topography account for the majority of the differences among habitat typologies. Climate and culture can be overcome by technology. Thus homogenity, with its by- products of anonymity, gigantism, and lack of meaning, pervades urban areas in many countries. Cultural homogenity is a result of the increasing absorption of the world in the markets of the industrialized countries –primarily the United States- and the reshaping of regions and local cultures to fit the needs of the world economic metropolis. This reshaping includes the manipulation of what is considered the ‘good life’ and thus the generation of ‘perceived needs’ by local markets (and cultures). Arround the world, the good life is seen as benefiting from the replacement of local goods with foreign ones, like collage of Coca Cola and hamburgers, blue jeans and permanent press, Chevrolets and highways, glass skyscrapers and suburban developments-the glutton`s paradise. Local production is eliminated, local lifestyles are forgotten. And in the process regions become ‘culturally addicted’ to expensive, and often wasteful, foreign technologies and capital. By focusing on the right combination of localism and universality, designers will be able to produce far more responsive designers and also to (re)create new urban typologies suitable to time and place. Urban Pattern Essay Example Urban Pattern Essay Settlements of any size and type can always be formally synthesized by their patterns, so it means pattern identify the settlements. Town houses in gridiron blocks, high-rise office structures, academic campuses, suburban estates, and highway retail sprawl are good examples. Urban form, then, is a result of the bringing together of many elements in a composite totality:the urban pattern. Patterns are the outstanding formal features of urban areas. A pattern can be defined as an elaboration of form that results from a composition of parts. Thus, patterns assume complex characteristics based on their formal elaboration; they also assume some degree of universality, since the total pattern can be represented by a sector. For example, an identifiable area in a city, or village can be best understood through a typical sector showing circulation, buildings, and open spaces; this typical sector ‘represents’ the formal characteristics found throughout the area and thus acquires some ‘universality. ’ Patterns have the potential of carrying powerful formal syntheses or visual codes over a geographic space. Formally, cities have a greater similarity to rugs and carpets than to other design products, with intricate motifs covering thier surfaces and various combinations of patterns complementing one another. Patterns are the physical expression of an underlying, continous formal system. Their visual essence lies in the complexity of a number of interrelated motifs, rather than in the total composition, since patterns are fragments or parts of a continuum and not totalities. We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Pattern specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Patterns can be conceptualized as models of field designs that can be extended over geographic space. They are reflecting the impact of a society on the earth, through the imposition of their cultural artifacts of shelter and movement. Clearly, urban patterns do change from one sector of a city to another, according to location in the city and time of development. The commercial high-rise pattern of down-town merges with the dense residential pattern of town houses-two patterns resulting from different land uses and accessibility at different locations. The tight pattern that originated in preautomobile times contrasts with the open pattern typical of the automobile era-two patterns resulting from two periods of development. In this way, an urban area is truly a tapestry of patterns, each corresponding to specific morphological factors-location, technology, culture, and so on. Furthermore, patterns tend not to reflect the will of a single designer, but rather composite wills-like the inherited wills involved in the traditional design of carpets or the pluralistic wills that have shaped so many human habitats. Indeed, patterns are true community forms. URBAN DUALITIES How is one to gain an initial formal understanding of urban patterns? Quite often, complex forms can first be grasped through the identification of their range of formal outcomes. Let us identify the ‘formal extremes’ that patterns can take, which we shall call dualities because they tend to appear as nominal opposites. Urban patterns, complex community forms that they are, can be conceptually understood through a series of dualities. The world is full of dualities. I have selected three dualities for examination here, not only for their descriptive duality, but because of their operational value for designers :unbuilt space versus built form, continuous events versus discrete events, and repetitive elements versus unique elements. Unbuilt space-built form duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns integrate built structures enclosing space for some use together with unbuilt areas used as open space or circulation. It provides the basic gestalt of urban areas, with figure-and-background images. Spatial concepts and definitions, environmental qualities, microclimate and health conditions, and other aspects of urban life can be thrown into relief by examining this relatively simple duality of unbuilt space versus built form. This dualit is related to the distinction between public and private realms in cities. Although most unbuilt space-open space and circulation-can be considered public, some open space can be private, as in institutional or residential courtyards. Also, enclosed space can be public or enjoy some sort of semipublic status, as in the case of churches, museums, department stores, and even street-covered arcades. Between enclosed buildings and open spaces there are many intermadiate possibilities: buildings lacking one wall, suh as Greek stoas; buildings with a roof supported by free standing columns, such as the arcades of Bologna; a space open to the sky and surrounded by walls, such as a stadium; a plaza with a few vertical elements, suh as San Marco. Continuous-discrete events duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns are made up of two quantitatively different kinds of elements: Some are interconnected and extend virtually over the whole area; others are discrete. This gometric difference is extended to implicit qualitative differences in the two types of events. The first can be characterized as continuous forms-networks-and the second as sets of discrete forms aggregated within or adjacent to the networks-infillings. Communities are structured by continuous networks within which an infill of discrete events takes place. The combination of networks and infillings results in a total pattern. Urban networks are identified primarily with transportation and other city infrastructures, which by nature must be continuous throughout the pattern. Streets, roads, avenues, boulevards, canals, highways, aqueducts, rail lines, and high-tension lines are all continuous networks that structure urban areas in one way or another, and in so doing they have more than just a utilitarian function; they become outstanding visual elements of the urban pattern. Buildings have occasion-ally played the same role, ranging from defensive walls in the Middle Ages to the megastructures of the 1960s. But in most cases, buildings, from cathedrals to houses, garages to skyscrapers, as well as most open space, are all infillings within the network structure, defining the three-dimensional architectural quality of a place. The interface areas between networks and infillings costitute the most alive zones of the man-made environment. Human beings are not truly participants in community life until they are on foot; the interface between transportation and networks infillings is the place where people shift from being passive riders to being active pedestrians. For this reason, the design of these interfaces-subway stations, but stops, train terminals, garages, sidewalks, and docks-is critical for the vitality of social and economic life in urban areas, as well as for their aesthetic expression. The dictinction between continuous and discrete events is not absolute, however. Size and scale may affect this distinction since what appears to be discrete on a metropolitan scale may seem continuous on a neighborhood scale. For example, rows of party-wall town houses, which are discrete elements on urban scale, can be seen as continuous events on an neighborhood scale. Repetetive-unique events duality This duality recognizes that urban patterns are made up largely of a limited number of relatively undifferentiated types of elements that repeat and combine. It implies that the image of a city can be created by the visual repetition of undifferentiated elements as well as by unique elements. Notre Dame de Paris is a powerful image and symbol for that city, but the repetetive elements of the city`s urban pattern-apartment buildings, hotels, and offices-represent it as much as does its unique cathedral. Repetetive elemets are the true urban form givers, sheltering the community`s activities and expressing its way of life and culture. Unique elements are the expresion of either a very specialized activity or, more likely, the apex and more symbolic layers of the community hierarchy. Human habitats and workplaces are repetetive elements, but temples, palaces, town halls, parliaments, universities, opera houses, and museums are unique and higly visible in each community. In preindustrial traditional societies, repetetive buildings such as dwellings vary according to regions, whereas unique buildings are universal. Repetetive buildings, although roughly the same within an urban area, tend to change drastically among regions and cultures; unique buildings, although special in their urban area, tend to repeat themselves across regions and even cultures. The wide regional variety of human dwelling types found in the cities, towns, and villages of Europe stands in contrast to the minor stylistic variations of similar unique buildings-for example, Gothic churches-that exist across the continient. The attachment of repetetive elements to land and local culture, which become regional expressions, as well as the universal character of unique elements, are critical to the understanding of community forms. Probably no other duality has been so misunderstood. To consider an obvious example, skyscrapers built in downtown areas for the purpose of housing the managerial activities of corporations often indulge the egocentric corporate identity. A corporate workplace is a repetetive building type making up the majority of downtown urban patterns; it is not meant to be unique. Whenever the design of skyscrapers becomes a competition among corporations, the result is pointless escalation, confusion, and the breakdown of the urban pattern. Combination of dualities Dualities represent ranges of formal outcomes in urban patterns, taken one parameter at a time. In reality, patterns synthesize the various dualities in a single form. The following are possible combinations and examples: Unbuilt space, continuos, repetetiveUrban streets Unbuilt space, continuous, uniqueIstiklal streetts Unbuilt space, discrete, repetetiveNeighborhood plazas Unbuilt space, discrete, uniquePiazza Ortakoy Built form, continuous, repetetiveArcades Built form, continuous, uniqueDefense walls Built form, discrete, repetetiveOffice buildings Built form, discrete, uniqueBlue Mosque PATTERN ANALYSIS Urban design has a long tradition of borrowing from the past, one of that continues today as neotraditional designers look nostalgically back to the towns as an alternative to conventional development. Breaking down the analysis into layers facilitates comparison on each dimension. The five layers are: 1-Built form: Showing the footprints of all structures and the resulting grain and pattern of development. 2-Land use: Patterns showing the location and density of housing, as well as retail, office, industrial, and civic activity. 3-Public open space: Including parks, plazas, walkways, and water bodies. 4-Circulation system: Including vehicular roads, alleys, parking lots, and bicycle and pedestrian paths. 5-Pedestrian access: Showing areas with one quarter and one half mile access from a central point in the development, such as a local community or shopping center. In addition to studying the form and pattern of the developments, the analysis examines the character of public streets and public spaces; adequecy of the transportation system and the accesibility of the development to jobs, services, recreation, and schools; livability for children, teens, and elderly; and market success. URBAN TYPOLOGIES Urban patterns are formed by repetetive elements within which unique elements occur. These patterns have strong similarities and can be grouped conceptually into what we call typologies. The many similarities among certain urban structures, facilities, and spaces suggest a ‘family resemblance’ among them. This family resemblance can be found among network elements such as streets and infill elements such as buildings, among unbuilt spaces such as plazas and built forms such as urban blocks, and even among unique buildings and spaces. Some typologies are universal, others are bounded by culture. In other words, all elements in urban patterns can be, to various degrees, typical. Some definitions are in order. ‘Type’ is defined as the general form, structure, or character distinguishing a particular kind, group, or class of objects. ‘Prototype’ and ‘archetype’ are practically interchangeable concepts, indicating the first or primary type of any thing. ‘Stereotype’ is defined as something continued or constantly repeated without change. The definition of ‘type’ is based on the recognition of the essence of an object as well as on the possibility of reproducing that essence in another object. The essence of a typology is made up of a combination of key characteristics of the elements in the typology, as well as by the range of variations that the elements can experience without losing their affiliation with the typology. I am talking deliberatily about essence and not standards, a type witout the of catalogue models. Thus, any and all specific designs of a type must be variations,options, and interpretations of that type, with perhaps a few of them being closer than the others to the ideal. Urban types sre basically types of spatial organizations in settlements. However, additional cultural factors introduce the aspect of style. Gridiron blocks with row houses, central plazas, and roadside developments are ubiquitous patterns, for instance, are typical of baroque urbanism. How do typologies come into being? The concept is simple: Built elements that face the same (or very similar) sets of requirements and constraints will, in end up generating one typology as the best solution to these conditions. It is possible to imagine more than one good solution, but since human behavior tends to follow early successes, the result is often that a single typology emerges as the dominant one. In the development of a typology, several periods can be distinguished. At a given point, socioeconomic, cultural, and technological conditions may all come together to foster a new typology. For example, the Industrial Revolution and the subsequent development of industrial corporations led to the creation of large pools of adminisrative personel working together in central cities served by streetcards and, later, subway systems. The introduction of iron and, eventually, steel structures, as well as the invention of the elevator, made it possible to build tight clusters of high-rise office buildings in central buildings. Later, the development of air- conditioning systems eliminated the constrains on the size of those buildings imposed by the need for natural ventilation. Common determinants that affect a typology include the physical urban structure, municipal services, zoning and codes, technology, financial and tax structures, alternative investments, cultural beliefs, microclimate, and many others. Specific project requirements that affect a typology include the program-which is itself biased by cultural beliefs-the organization of the development entity, land and construction costs, demand markets, soil conditions, competition, and others. Technology, economic systems, social instutions-in a word, culture-are the social factors that, together with natural factors (such as microclimate, soil, and bodies of water), shape the patterns of human settlements. Technology, especially since the nineteenth century, has had an increasingly important effect in the shaping of urban typologies, including the critical areas of urban transportation- public transit, commuter rail, buses, and trolleys, as well as private automobiles along with highways and parking garages-building structures, mechanical systems, vertical circulation, instant communications, and,most recently, information processing. But quite often, built types herald later technological advance; some of the first skyscrapers in Chicago were built with load-bearing masonry walls. Culture is the prime mover in the development of urban typologies. Technology, as one of the cultural components of society. The central city skyscraper, for example, is a product of both technology and a cultural trend that encourages certain patterns of social behavior and, ultimately, certain events. Tall office buildings exist, in part, because there is a pervasive trend toward concentrating greater economic power in fewer corporations, which cluster together with other financial institutions and use their headquarters to project a corporate image. Cultural factors have always affected urban typologies. In the Middle ages, the high cost of transportation, the uncertainty of life beyond defensive walls, growing trade opportunities within a feudalistic system, and the universal institution of the churc led to the generic mediaval urban typology. It was a tightly clustered pattern, with market place and trade streets, often two centers of power (political and religious), and social institutions such as a hospital, asylum, orphanage and school near the church. Culture, building program, and technology shape typologies. Often, old types built for some specific users can be successfully adapted to other users, indicating that programs and types are not locked in a one-to-one relationship; instead, programs determine types through cultural interpretations. The basilica of Hagia Sophia, built by Constantine to be the center of Eastern Orthodox Christianity, was taken by the Turks and immediately converted to the Mosque of Istanbul, after which all other Turkish mosques have been patterned. The basilicas, in turn, were adapted from a Roman type of legal court building by early Christians, who used them as temples. Are these cases of cultural lag or adaptation, of program or type flexibility, or something different? One of the main roles of typologies may be to shape cultural symbols. Both the Byzantines and the Turks needed impressive halls to exhibit the religious glory of their empires: Hagia Sophia, the most unique element in the pattern. One of the trends most damaging to environmental richness is the cultural homogenization of urban typologies in many areas of the world. This phenomenon is well known to travelers, who find that hotels built in recent decades do not reflect regional differences, so that one cannot tell whether one is in Cairo, New York, Singapore, or Mexico, unless one leaves the hotel. Technology, of course, makes possible large climate-controlled shells anywhere, but it is the cultural dependency of many Third World countries that bears a major responsibility for this environmental impoverishment. Typically, human habitas have been rooted in the land and the local culture. Universality was restricted to the apex of the community hierarchy. It is only now that we see repetetive elements such as office buildings being elevated to the status of the universal, betraying their transnational character. As already mentioned, some typologies are local, while others are universal. The wide difference in the residential typologies of human habitats indicates that local conditions impose heavy constraints on people: Microclimate, defense, construction materials, and topography account for the majority of the differences among habitat typologies. Climate and culture can be overcome by technology. Thus homogenity, with its by- products of anonymity, gigantism, and lack of meaning, pervades urban areas in many countries. Cultural homogenity is a result of the increasing absorption of the world in the markets of the industrialized countries –primarily the United States- and the reshaping of regions and local cultures to fit the needs of the world economic metropolis. This reshaping includes the manipulation of what is considered the ‘good life’ and thus the generation of ‘perceived needs’ by local markets (and cultures). Arround the world, the good life is seen as benefiting from the replacement of local goods with foreign ones, like collage of Coca Cola and hamburgers, blue jeans and permanent press, Chevrolets and highways, glass skyscrapers and suburban developments-the glutton`s paradise. Local production is eliminated, local lifestyles are forgotten. And in the process regions become ‘culturally addicted’ to expensive, and often wasteful, foreign technologies and capital. By focusing on the right combination of localism and universality, designers will be able to produce far more responsive designers and also to (re)create new urban typologies suitable to time and place.